To the WSJ Editors: Readers Deserve Better Than Alicia Mundy

On Friday, the WSJ printed a story by Alicia Mundy, "Health-Bill Disclosure Rule Is Resisted," which revealed that a recently passed health-reform bill in the House would require drug companies to disclose payments made to physicians and third parties, such as medical education communications companies, or MECCs. But the idea is nothing new, and reports of such disclosures have been carried extensively by various news sources, including the WSJ and the related WSJ Health Blog.

Given the scrutiny that financial relationships between pharma and physicians have received of late (thanks largely to the Senate Special Committee on Aging and Senate Finance Committee), several drug companies (for example, Eli Lilly and GSK) have voluntarily offered readily accessible information about payments made to physicians for consultant, advisory, or speaking services, as well as educational grants given to MECCs to produce CME programs.

Resisting disclosure, Mundy reported, is John Kamp, executive director of the Coalition for Healthcare Communication. The Coalition, according to the organization's web site, "defends the right of health professionals and consumers to receive truthful information regarding pharmaceuticals and medical products, as safeguarded by the Constitution of the United States. Founded in 1991, the Coalition represents organizations, rather than individuals, dedicated to assuring the free exchange of scientific information without undue government interference." Among the member groups of the Coalition are the American Association of Advertising Agencies and the Association of Medical Media.

Kamp penned his objection to legislated CME disclosure in a July letter to Senator Herb "I'm Richer Than Croesus and God" Kohl (WI-D), who chairs the Special Committee on Aging. In response to an inquiry from the Committee, Kamp wrote, "Many leading drug and device companies have published all their grants for the world to see, and others are following quickly. Given this trend, the Committee should consider elimination of certified CME reporting in all versions of Health Care Reform bills because they are unneeded, redundant and needlessly expensive [boldface sic]." Mundy quoted Kamp, beginning at "should consider..."; she failed to clarify why Kamp resisted legislated disclosure—thereby misleading her readers to believe that Kamp resists disclosure altogether. 

Mundy then segued to Thomas Sullivan, president of a small Maryland-based MECC, Rockpointe, and sole blogger at Policy and Medicine. Although Sullivan reported to Mundy that he's not against legislated CME disclosure from drug companies, he has been openly critical of Senator Kohl's Committee, as well as Senator Chuck Gassley (IA-R), who is the ranking minority member of the Senate Finance Committee. In a September blog post, Sullivan described the efforts of Grassley's investigator, Paul Thacker, into physician-related conflicts of interest with pharma as "witch hunts." (It's a description that Sullivan should have heeded when considering any voluntary cooperation with Senator Kohl's Committee and its chief investigator, Jack Mitchell. But more on Mitchell in a follow-up post.) 

In a move that was off-point from her article's lede but apparently designed to shock or embarrass, Mundy then proceeded to report the amount of educational grant money that Sullivan's private company had received from drug firms during the last 3½ years. Evidently Mundy had obtained this proprietary company data through the UCSF's publicly accessible Drug Industry Document Archive, which had received the information from Kohl's Committee.

In July, the Committee had requested "an accounting of the funding received by Rockpointe Corporation from pharmaceutical, medical device and biologics companies." Why the Committee was spending taxpayer dollars investigating the 18-employee, privately owned MECC is anybody's guess.* In any event, Sullivan volunteered the information, writing, "We have discussed with your Chief of Investigations, Jack Mitchell, the business information provided is proprietary. We would appreciate your use of this information in the aggregate, and reasonable protection against this information becoming publicly available." So much for government courtesy. 

Mundy proceeded to report the cumulative amount of CME grant money that Rockpointe received from the beginning of 2006 to July 2009 (~$23 million), as well as a breakdown of funds the company received from Medtronic ($802,791 or about $100,350 per CME seminar). She added, "Rockpointe's classes typically addressed ailments that the sponsors' products treat"—an observation that should be news to, well, no one. A drug firm is not going to fund a CME program that is outside its therapeutic area of interest.

What Mundy (most egregiously) failed to do was examine (or ask an independent and knowledgeable physician to examine) Rockpointe's CME programs, to determine if any were biased toward the grantor's product. To do so would have required work, and the possible outcome (namely that Rockpointe's CME programs were not biased) would mean that Mundy wouldn't have much of a story. 

But as irresponsible as Mundy's reportage is here, it's nothing compared to the harsh writing of blogger and shrill critic of pharma-funded CME Daniel Carlat—who, curiously enough, posted his arguably libelous rant about Sullivan and his company's finances the day before Mundy's story was published. The timing suggests that Carlat is more than a mere fall-off-a-log quote source for lazy and/or agenda-driven reporters like Mundy.

* In his letter to Senator Kohl (which is available at the UCSF archive), Sullivan wrote, "It is a concern to us that this letter has been directed to Rockpointe as a result of a group meeting that we initiated with the Aging Committee staff. That initiative was intended to provide information, understanding and insight concerning CME and the proposed Physician Payment Sunshine Act. The meeting, and the required time and preparation, constituted a good faith effort to bring relevant information to the Committee. Our intent was to differentiate accredited CME from promotional marketing. Under the credo of "no good deed goes unpunished," this initiative led directly to your singling us out among the hundreds of similar CME providers to submit confidential business records. We have expended considerable time, expense and professional fees identifying, locating, reviewing and organizing nearly 4 years of business records in order to digest and prepare the accurate summary you requested. An inquiry of this nature will likely discourage other concerned "good Samaritans" from exercising their rights as involved citizens to bring issues of concern to the attention of the committee."

Image of Alicia Mundy from the New America Foundation; reproduced through a Creative Commons license.